
Bus for journalists in Xinjiang (photo: Mary Kay Magistad)
It was around midnight, on a bus, coming off a plane near the end of yet another 14-hour day traveling on a Chinese Foreign Ministry-organized trip through the western region of Xinjiang and province of Qinghai, when a fellow journalist turned to me and said, “What were they smoking when they came up with this schedule?”
It’s a thought that had been going through many of our minds this week. The most generous interpretation was, of course, that our Foreign Ministry facilitators wanted to make our trip as rich as possible with varied experiences – trips to farms and factories, news conferences with local officials, cultural shows.
A less charitable interpretation might be that there was a reason we were spending hours on a bus each day, with long stretches of time at places like an almost deserted peach orchard or desert reclamation site, but very little time talking to ordinary people, especially in towns inhabited predominantly by Uighurs – the sometimes restive Turkic Muslim ethnic group native to Xinjiang. (Indeed, Xinjiang’s formal name is the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region). If we were scheduled wall to wall with official briefings and bus rides, we couldn’t wander off and see how the Uighurs were feeling about their place in the midst of China’s modern economic miracle, or how they felt about the presence of an ever-growing number of Han Chinese migrants in a region that had, historically, been theirs.
In Turpan, a desert oasis, and mostly Uighur, town, we were promised lunch and “interviews with Uighurs” at a Uighur’s home. If our destination was a home, it looked an awful lot like a restaurant, complete with a little police office out front, a performance stage with giant speakers in back, and enough tables to seat a wedding party. We sat on cushions at low tables, under the shade of a grape arbor, and ate kebabs and spicy ragout and bowls of handmade noodles, and watched the Uighur owner and his 10-year-old daughter perform local dances with considerable grace and verve. Interviews? Not so much. After lunch, it was straight off to spend two hours at an unpopulated desert reclamation site – more time than any of us felt we needed.
Mutterings of discontent grew a little louder at this point. Why, asked some of us, did you tell us there’s “no time” for us to wander around Turpan and interview locals, when there’s two hours to do something like this? And why were we told there was “no time” to fly down to the ancient Uighur city of Kashgar, where a part of town that dates back to the Silk Road is now being torn down to make way for what the Xinjiang governor promises to be “the Shenzhen of the west” – a crowded, hyper-modern city of migrants – when we’re spending more hours on a bus than it would have taken to fly there?
The Foreign Ministry official traveling with us listened patiently and explained that his office tries to listen both to what foreign journalists want on a trip like this, and what local officials want, and then merges the two.
That may well be. But the purpose of Foreign Ministry-organized trips has long been to sell a certain way of looking at an issue. The more sensitive the issue, the more careful the organizers tend to be to make sure foreign journalists don’t have time to stray off-piste.
But things have come a long way since the first Foreign Ministry-organized trip I took, in 1996, to an area whose population was going to be resettled for the Three Gorges Dam project. It was basically man-on-man defense, with as many minders with us as there were journalists. We would be bussed into a village and told we had time to interview locals – but it was always with a Chinese minder hovering at our shoulder, often whispering suggested answers to the villagers.

Tibetan herder (Photo: Mary Kay Magistad)
But there were still some echoes of the more controlled trips of the past. I felt them most strongly at Qinghai’s Ta’Er (Kumbum in Tibetan) Buddhist monastery, the most important Tibetan Buddhist monastery for the Gelugpa or “Yellow Hat” sect, which the Dalai Lama leads. Whenever I tried to talk to a Tibetan there, two or more local officials would immediately be at my elbow, listening in.
Some of this is a throw-back to the days, not so long ago, when foreign correspondents were only officially allowed to do the interviews the government said they could do, especially when traveling in the provinces — even if most flouted the rules most of the time, without consequence. New regulations on the books since January 2007 have thrown everything open, so we can, in theory, interview anyone who’s willing to talk to us. In practice, the old regulations were only selectively enforced by the government, and the new ones selectively ignored – in both cases, when what the government feels “sensitive issues” are involved.
One Foreign Ministry official traveling with us told me he’s a big fan of openness, of foreign journalists being able to travel anywhere in China. “But I can understand the feelings of local officials here, “ he said. “When foreign journalists talk to Uighurs at a sensitive time, it might stir up unrest. And if foreign journalists talk to Uighurs at times like that, it’s less like journalism and more like politics.” I argued that it’s exactly like journalism – talking to people from all sides of an issue, especially at a sensitive time. “But they might try to use you,” he said. I smiled. Yes, well, I said. Many people try to spin journalists. All we can do is be aware, and try to find the center of gravity nearest the truth.
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