Former Chilean President Ricardo Lagos Photo: Alejandro Hoppe
Chile’s transition from dictatorship to functioning democracy has lessons for Arab nations struggling to throw off the yoke of military rule, says one former Chilean leader.
Ricardo Lagos was president of Chile from 2000 to 2006. In his new memoir, The Southern Tiger: Chile’s Fight for a Democratic and Prosperous Future, Lagos describes why Chile’s military returned to their barracks. He says key to the process was the establishment of several truth and reconciliation commissions, including one to uncover what had happened to former political prisoners and torture victims.
“This establishment of the truth and reconciliation commission, so that everybody knows what happened in those dark days, this is really important, beyond the prosecution of the number one and the number two in that military regime,” Lagos tells The World’s Lisa Mullins.
Lagos also discusses the prospect of reconciliation among nations. In his book, he describes how he met Henry Kissinger, President Richard Nixon’s national security adviser at a conference in Berlin.
Lagos writes:
“When Kissinger entered the room that day, he approached me immediately. Without any introduction, he told me, ‘President Lagos, I want you to know that I had nothing to with the coup d’etat.’ I found it revealing, that Kissinger had been so eager to explain his role in what had taken place – information for which I had never asked.”
Lagos says he disagrees with the Chilean government’s recent decision to change the way school books in Chile refer to the military rule of Gen. Augusto Pinochet. From now on, it will be described as a “regime,” and not a “dictatorship.”
“Probably this is because some civilians think that they are responsible, but they don’t like to recognize that,” Lagos tells Mullins. “The civilians that participated in the Pinochet dictatorship, when they are going to say, ‘we are so sorry for what we did.’ And that is pending for a final final reconciliation. But I’m sure that will take some time. “
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Lisa Mullins: Halfway around the world, from Egypt to Chile, might offer lessons for post-Arab spring nations. Chile endured the long dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet. It began in 1973, with the coup that overthrew democratically elected president Salvadore Allende; it ended in 1990, when Pinochet ceded control to a new democratically elected leader, Patricio Aylwin. One man who was instrumental in that transition was Ricardo Lagos. He later served as president himself, from 2000 to 2006. Lagos says that Chile chose to confront past abuses as soon as it’s elected leaders replaced the dictatorship.
Ricardo Lagos: They established a truth and reconciliation commission, that was the first reconciliation commission in the world. And then in my period, we address another issue that was very difficult- and that had to do with the political prisoners and those that had been tortured. And I think that was also part of the process of reconciliation.
Mullins: And do you see that as something that you think would benefit countries like Egypt as well?
Lagos: I think so that in order not to repeat again, many bad things that you did in the past- I say: never denying those things that we committed as a State.
Mullins: How does that extend also to the trial of someone like Hosni Mubarak in Egypt, and to what extent do you think it could be parallel, or is parallel right now, to the prosecution of General Pinochet in Chile?
Lagos: I don’t know the reason why they have decided to treat him the way that he is being treated.
Mullins: Hosni Mubarak?
Lagos: Hosni Mubarak, in the sense that they take him to a tribunal, even though he is sick in bed. The forms are also important, you know. I wonder how necessary it is to show him in that condition to the general public, you know. They can go and ask him the things that the wanted to ask at his bedside, you know?
Mullins: What’s the bigger picture there? What strikes you as being, perhaps wrong, or just distasteful?
Lagos: The picture that was all over the world of Mubarak in such a way- well, was difficult for reconciliation. This is what I’m trying to say.
Mullins: Mr President, why does this matter in the long run, in terms of how the country moves on, or doesn’t? Did it matter in the case of Chile?
Lagos: I don’t think so, I think it’s much more important, this establishment of the truth and reconciliation commission so that everybody knows what happened during those dark days. This is, I guessed, really important- beyond the prosecution of the number one or the number two in that military regime.
Mullins: I want to ask you about reconciliation in terms of countries; in this case, the United States and Chile. There is a part of your book, and I know you have it in front of you Mr President now, that I’d like you to read from. This has to do with a brief conversation that you had with Henry Kissinger, the national security adviser under President Nixon at the time.
Lagos: I have it- page 31. “After I had served my time as president, I journeyed to take part in a seminar in Berlin, in which Henry Kissinger would be present. As now declassified CIA and White House papers make clear, preventing a socialist Chile has been Kissinger’s obsession, and he developed this thanks to Pinochet. When Kissinger entered the room that day, he approached me immediately. Without any introduction, he told me, “President Lagos, I want you to know that I had nothing to with the coup d’etat.” It struck me as rather bizarre, the way in which he made such an unsolicited effort to impress this upon me. And then I say ‘And what about the human right’s violations that took place under Pinochet, I wonder?’. Thousands of memories came floating forward in my mind, of the numerous congressional hearings in which Kissinger had spoken out against Allende’s selection, and worst of all, I was reminded of the way he worked with Pinochet once the junta was in power. I remember the 1976 speech he gave, at the Organization of American States, telling Pinochet to improve his human right’s record, and I remember the transcript of the private meeting beforehand, in which he told the dictator ‘wink wink, not to worry’. I found it revealing that Kissinger had been so eager to explain his role in what has taken place,information for which I had never asked.”
Mullins: You didn’t say any of that to him though, at the time. Do you wish you had?
Lagos: In fact, not. Because history, and what is written in history, is there. The declassified archives of the CIA explain everything, what had been the role of the US. But it was interesting to me, that United States is also able to change. Later on, you know, it was during the second term of President Regan, when there was a change in the US administration, and they decided to bet on the future democratic forces that were fighting against Pinochet. So, if I keep talking for what happened thirty something years ago, I am not going to change history.
Mullins; We featured on our program not too long ago a segment about a decision to change the way school books, text books in Chile refer to the military rule of General Pinochet. From now on, it’s going to be described as a regime, and not a dictatorship. Does that matter, from your perspective?
Lagos: Yes. Because the fact is that we have a dictatorship and, if you want to call military dictatorship well probably, this is because some civilians think that they are responsible but they don’t like to recognize that- because let me tell you- many people, like me, are still expecting the civilians that participated in Pinochet’s dictatorship, when they are going to say ‘We are so sorry for what we did’. And that is pending, for a final, final reconciliation. But I’m sure that that will take some time also.
Mullins; Ricardo Lagos was president of Chile from 2000 to 2006, he teaches political and economic development at Brown University. His new book is called ‘The Southern Tiger- Chile’s fight for a Democratic and Prosperous future’. Very nice to have you on the program.
Lagos: It was a pleasure to be here with you, thank you.
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