PRI's The World » Latin America

The Voice of Iran in Spanish

Patrick Cox — Mon, 06 Feb 2012 20:02:14 +0000

In early 2011, the BBC announced massive cuts in its foreign language services. We devoted an entire pod episode to that decision and its implications.

At the time, London-based journalism professor George Brock warned of an imminent deluge of government-run foreign language broadcast channels. That’s certainly playing out. The Chinese and Russian government-run TV companies have fast-growing foreign language services. China’s CCTV now broadcasts in English, French, Russian and Arabic. And the Kremlin’s mutilingual network RT, recently made a splash when it announced that it would broadcast a 10-part series interview show hosted by Wikileaks founder Julian Assange.

Now, Iran has got in on the act. In late January, it launched Hispan TV, a Spanish language service aimed at Latin America. Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad showed up at the launch, making it clear that there would be no arm’s length policy between the politicians and the journalists on this project. He even uttered a few Spanish words: “Viva España , viva America Latina.” He also said, according to the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting that Hispan TV “is expected to convey a message of peace, friendship and freedom for all human beings, and at the same time to block or squeeze ways through which the global arrogance tried to dominate others.”

Also in the pod this week:

The origins of an oft-used Hebrew expression to describe the segregation of women favored by some ultra-Orthodox Jews.

Scientists at UC Berkeley unveil technology that seeks to put words to our thoughts.

Why songs get stuck in our heads.

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Bolt, Crook and Payne: What’s in A Name?

Patrick Cox — Mon, 02 Jan 2012 14:45:41 +0000

Usain Bolt bolts, Anna Smashnova was a tennis pro, Bob Flowerdew is a gardening expert. Coincidence?

In this episode of the pod, criminal defense lawyer Frances Crook and vicar Michael Vickers discuss their own names and vocations with John Hoyland of New Scientist. Hoyland first became interested in nominative determinism—a term he coined—after being told about a study of incontinence authored by JW Splatt and D Weedon. On the same day he came across a book on the Polar regions by Daniel Snowman.

Among the questions discussed: why do some people feel drawn to professions predicted by their names? Why do others enter professions that their names suggest might be inappropriate (Dr De’ath or airline planner Rod Muddle)?

Of course in the old days, people were often named after the family profession—Smith, Baker, Potter, Cooper. But that doesn’t happen any more.

Hoyland hasn’t come upon conclusive research on any of this. All he has is a hunch. A slight one. As he puts it, “there’s something going on here, or maybe there isn’t.”

Also in the pod:

Clemson Smith Muñiz has been the play-by-play voice of Los Knicks en español. He talks about how basketball terminology in Spanish has many regional variations. The word dunk for example, translates as donquear in Puerto Rico, mate in Spain, volcada in Argentina, and clavado in Mexico and central America. You’d have thought Smith Muñiz was spoiled for choice. But no, he’s come up with his own expression: martillazo, which means a hammer blow.

In the wake of the death of Kim Jong Il, it’s a good time to check in on freedom of expression south of the DMZ. While it’s in as short supply in the North as food and electricity, that’s not the case in South Korea. But there are limits. We have a report on a podcast that’s hugely popular there. It’s a part satirical, part serious indictment of South Korea’s president Lee Myung Bak. It’s called (in translation) I’m a Petty-minded Creep. On December 22, 2011, one of the podcast’s hosts was sentenced to a year in prison for spreading false rumors. The host, who was once an opposition politician, is also barred from running for office for ten years. So now we know a little more about the limits of free speech in South Korea. More Korean language coverage here and here.

And, the late Christopher Hitchens discusses the power of debate with his brother Peter Hitchens. The two disagreed on just about everything—except for the value of argument as a means to arrive at principled positions.

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Reporting from Forgotten Latin America

The World — Fri, 09 Sep 2011 12:40:29 +0000

Before 9/11 happened President George W. Bush vowed to give more attention to Latin America. After 9/11, Latin America went to the back burner. Around that time, Gerry Hadden moved to Mexico City in 2000 to take a job as NPR’s correspondent for Mexico, Latin America and Haiti. He has a new book out called “Never The Hope Itself: Love and Ghosts in Latin America and Haiti“. Anchor Marco Werman speaks with him about trying to report in what had become a forgotten part of the world.

Gerry Hadden is The World’s correspondent based in Spain

Excerpt from “Never the Hope Itself: Love and Ghosts in Latin America and Haiti”

Obama in El Salvador

The World — Tue, 22 Mar 2011 19:40:00 +0000

President Obama wraps up his Latin America tour in El Salvador. Anchor Lisa Mullins discusses the visit with Robert White, former US Ambasssador to El Salvador. Download MP3

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The text below is a phonetic transcript of a radio story broadcast by PRI’s THE WORLD. It has been created on deadline by a contractor for PRI. The transcript is included here to facilitate internet searches for audio content. Please report any transcribing errors to theworld@pri.org. This transcript may not be in its final form, and it may be updated. Please be aware that the authoritative record of material distributed by PRI’s THE WORLD is the program audio.

Lisa Mullins: President Barack Obama is wrapping up his trip to Latin America with a final stop in El Salvador. He traveled to the Central American nation today. The President’s going to be discussing a wide range of issues with his Salvadoran counterpart, Mauricio Funes, and that includes the immigration status of Salvadorans who are here in the U.S., and the spread of drug related violence in the region. Before leaving El Salvador, President Obama is also scheduled to do something remarkable. He’s going to be visiting the tomb of Archbishop Oscar Romero. Oscar Romero was an outspoken critic of human rights abuses that were committed by the U.S. backed Salvadoran government. That’s when Romero was gunned down while he was celebrating mass in 1980. The killing marked a turning point in El Salvador’s history. Robert White was the U.S. Ambassador to El Salvador at the time that Archbishop Romero was assassinated. Why is it so surprising, and why is it such a dramatic gesture for President Obama to visit the tomb of the Archbishop now?

Ambassador Robert White: Archbishop Romero in 1980 came to symbolize the opposition to U.S. policy in El Salvador, and he was killed by people who were allied with U.S. policy: rich Salvadorans and the military. So this is, in a sense, Barack Obama’s statement that the past is behind us, that the U.S. no longer is fighting ideological battles in Latin America or in Central America, and that we are willing to work with former revolutionaries, we are willing to work with anyone who is moving his country or her country towards democracy and respect for human rights, and that we are no longer fighting the battles of the 80′s.

Mullins: So the battles of the 80′s included the death squads that worked on behalf of the government of El Salvador at the time, and this is the government that the United States supported. Leftist guerrillas were, maybe not explicitly, but implicitly, supported by Oscar Romero. At least, Romero was very critical of the government at that time, which is the reason that he was killed as he was celebrating mass. By Barack Obama’s visiting Romero’s tomb, is he repudiating U.S. policy in El Salvador in the 80′s?

White: Repudiating is a strong word. I think he’s signaling a course correction. I think he’s signaling that ideology is no longer dominate in U.S. policy, that we don’t want to be prisoners of the past, that we want to look forward to a new relationship with all Latin Americans who want to better their country. There’s a domestic side to this visit, because Salvadorans are now very numerousâ€”I think it’s the second largest immigrant, Latin American immigrant, population in our country. And most of those people originally came here in the 80′s, fleeing the violence of our military allies in El Salvador.

Mullins: Although there are many Nicaraguans in the United States as well, and we don’t see President Obama making a stop in Nicaragua and acknowledging Daniel Ortega, who is a former rebel, very much anti-American from the period and is President right now. So what’s the difference?

White: The difference is that Daniel Ortega, it seems to me, has lost his bearings and has become a clone of President Hugo Chavez in Venezuela. But when you think about it, it’s El Salvador where the former revolutionaries have come through and cast aside ideology, put up as a presidential candidate a man who was not a revolutionary. And it’s quite a wonderful thing to see the former guerrilla leader, Salvador SÃ¡nchez CerÃ©n, now Vice President, welcoming Barack Obama, and without anyâ€¦ He no longer talks about imperialism. He no longer talks about interference in the internal affairs of El Salvador. He’s talking about cooperation and working together towards a democratic future, and that’s a real plus.

Mullins: Robert White was the U.S. Ambassador to El Salvador in 1980. That was at the time that Archbishop Oscar Romero was assassinated. He’s now a senior fellow at the Washington D.C. based Center for International Policy. He spoke with us about President Obama’s visit to the tomb of Archbishop Romero tomorrow. Ambassador, thank you.

White: Thank you.

Copyright ©2009 PRI’s THE WORLD. All rights reserved. No quotes from the materials contained herein may be used in any media without attribution to PRI’s THE WORLD. This transcript may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, without prior written permission. For further information, please email The World’s Permissions Coordinator at theworld@pri.org.

Legalizing marijuana a double standard?

The World — Fri, 29 Oct 2010 20:07:34 +0000

Proposal to legalize marijuana in California starts a debate in Latin America (Photo: Ryan Bushby)

On Tuesday, Californians will vote on whether to legalize marijuana for recreational use. The referendum is being closely watched south of the border. For years, Washington has demanded that Latin America take a hard line on illegal narcotics. But as California voters consider a softer approach, some Latin American leaders say it’s time to rethink the drug war. John Otis has more.Download MP3
(Photo: Ryan Bushby)

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This text below is a phonetic transcript of a radio story broadcast by PRI’s THE WORLD. It has been created on deadline by a contractor for PRI. The transcript is included here to facilitate internet searches for audio content. Please report any transcribing errors to theworld@pri.org. This transcript may not be in its final form, and it may be updated. Please be aware that the authoritative record of material distributed by PRI’s THE WORLD is the program audio.

LISA MULLINS: I’m Lisa Mullins and this is The World, a co-production of the BBC World Service, PRI, and WGBH in Boston. In California, voters weigh in Tuesday on whether to legalize marijuana for recreational use. They’re not the only ones paying attention. Proposition 19 is being closely watched south of the border. Washington has long demanded that Latin America take a hard line on drugs. But as California voters consider a softer approach, some Latin American leaders say it’s time to rethink the war on drugs. John Otis reports from the Colombian capital, Bogota.

JOHN OTIS: At a presidential summit in Colombia this week, the push to legalize marijuana in California dominated the agenda.

SPEAKING SPANISH

OTIS: Mexican President Felipe Calderon chided the United States for trying to criminalize and legalize drugs at the same time. Costa Rican President Laura Chinchilla called it a contradictory message to Washington’s partners in the war on drugs.

SPEAKING SPANISH

OTIS: Then there was Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos, who mused about the possibility of exporting bales of potent Colombian weed to the massive California market.

SPEAKING SPANISH

JUAN MANUEL SANTOS: I’m wondering if the 8th largest economy in the world, a state that’s famous for high technology, movies, and fine wine, will now permit marijuana imports into its market.

OTIS: Latin American leaders have good reason for their frustration and sarcasm. American drug policy, they say, is riddled with double standards.

SPEAKING SPANISH

OTIS: That’s Augusto Perez, the former head of the Colombian government’s drug-abuse prevention program.

SPEAKING SPANISH

OTIS: He recalls how the US pressured Colombia to eradicate its marijuana crop in the 1970s. The Colombians complied only to watch California became a major cannabis producer. At Washington’s behest, Colombia and Mexico have spent billions and sacrificed thousands of lives fighting cocaine cartels, whose main customers are American drug users. Yet none of this seems to be working. Cartels have been destroyed in Colombia but have resurfaced in Mexico. Drugs remain cheap and plentiful on US streets. And as more US states move to legalize marijuana for medical or casual use, Colombian President Santos says world leaders must come up with a new strategy.

SPEAKING SPANISH

SANTOS: If all we are doing is sending our citizens to prison while elsewhere drugs are legalized, we must ask ourselves, isn’t it time to revise the global strategy against drugs?

OTIS: Santos is the latest high-profile figure to question the zero-tolerance approach. Last year, three former Latin American presidents issued a report calling for the decriminalization of marijuana. Instead of trying to eliminate drugs, they recommended so-called “harm reduction” measures aimed at reducing the damage caused by illegal narcotics. One of the report’s authors is César Gaviria. He was Colombia’s president in the 1990s when the country was plagued by car bombs and murders ordered by druglord Pablo Escobar.

SPEAKING SPANISH

CESAR GAVIRIA: You have to admit that US drug policy has failed. So please, change it. Don’t force us to sacrifice thousands of lives for a strategy that doesn’t work simply because American politicians lack the courage to change course.

OTIS: Though there’s been little change at the federal level, drug law reforms are bubbling up from the state level. Cash-strapped California could reap more than one billion dollars annually by taxing the legal sales of marijuana. Ethan Nadelmann is executive director of the New York-based Drug Policy Alliance, which supports the California referendum, known as Proposition 19.

ETHAN NADELMANN: Prop 19, if it passes, will not change very much on the ground in Latin America in terms of the flow of drugs, or drug enforcement, or drug markets. What it will do is to help encourage and legitimize a debate within Latin America similar to the one now going on in California and other parts of the Untied States.

OTIS: The latest California polls show opponents of Proposition 19 with a slim lead over its supporters. For The World, I’m John Otis in Bogota, Colombia.

Copyright ©2009 PRI’s THE WORLD. All rights reserved. No quotes from the materials contained herein may be used in any media without attribution to PRI’s THE WORLD. This transcript may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, without prior written permission. For further information, please email The World’s Permissions Coordinator at theworld@pri.org.

Colombia violence forces students to quit school

The World — Tue, 26 Oct 2010 19:50:13 +0000

John Otis reports from Medellin, a Colombian city plagued by gang violence. Hundreds of students there have dropped out rather than risk being shot as they walk to school.Download MP3

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This text below is a phonetic transcript of a radio story broadcast by PRI’s THE WORLD. It has been created on deadline by a contractor for PRI. The transcript is included here to facilitate internet searches for audio content. Please report any transcribing errors to theworld@pri.org. This transcript may not be in its final form, and it may be updated. Please be aware that the authoritative record of material distributed by PRI’s THE WORLD is the program audio.

LISA MULLINS: I’m Lisa Mullins and this is The World. Violence is on the rise again in the South American country of Colombia. That’s especially true in the cities. Murder rates in Medellin have tripled in the past three years. Disputes among drug-trafficking gangs have turned the slums of Colombia’s second largest city into a shooting gallery. There have been 1,500 homicides there so far this year. Some of the victims are elementary and high school students. As John Otis reports, the simple act of walking to school has become so dangerous that the city is now providing escorts.

JOHN OTIS: As children gather on a Medellin street corner, Sandra Torres calls the roll. She’s been hired by city hall to escort these kids to school. The route takes them through Comuna Trece, one of the city’s most violent neighborhoods. It’s only a 10-minute walk to school but the kids are joined every morning by Torres and other escorts who wear bright green vests. The escorts are unarmed, but Torres says their presence discourages gang members from harassing the students.

SPEAKING SPANISH

SANDRA TORRES: Many kids stopped going to school because they felt scared and threatened or their families were at risk. With us they can walk to school safely. Nothing happens to them.

OTIS: Many poor students in Latin America drop out to go to work. But in the Medellín slums, about 1,000 primary and secondary students have quit school this year due to gang conflicts. They’re not overreacting. Since January, 31 students in Medellin have either been hit or killed by stray bullets. These barrios have a history of violence dating back to the 1980s when drug lord Pablo Escobar was at his peak. But today, there’s no kingpin dominating the drug gangs. Instead, some 300 criminal bands are fighting over cocaine sales, prostitution rings and extortion rackets. Schools are prime locations for drug deals and for gang recruitment. But for many kids, the biggest problem is getting to class. Their routes often take them across invisible boundaries between gang territories. High School junior Carlos Córdoba says many classmates have relatives in gangs and are viewed as enemy spies when they leave one barrio for another.

SPEAKING SPANISH

OTIS: “I can’t go to that neighborhood over there or in the direction of those houses,” he says, “because I’ve received many threats.” The Estela Velez school is located on a patch of land that gangs are fighting to control. In August, a nearby gun battle forced students to take cover under their desks until nightfall when they were evacuated on city buses.

SPEAKING SPANISH

OTIS: That’s Íngrid Agudelo, a home economics teacher. She says nearly half of the school’s 650 students stopped coming to school, though some have returned since the escort program began five months ago.

SPEAKING SPANISH

INGRID AGUDELO: If 10 students showed up that was a lot. When the shootouts got really bad only 5 or 6 students would come to class.

OTIS: The surge in violence prompted a visit to Comuna 13 from President Juan Manuel Santos. He promised to hire 20,000 more police officers nationwide. But some here say the police are part of the problem. This police station in Comuna Trece sits just a couple of blocks from the Estela Velez school. But few residents will cooperate with police because they fear gang members have infiltrated the police ranks. So for now, the escort program serves as a stop-gap security measure. When the school day is over, the escorts meet the students and walk them home. As they say goodbye, several grateful children hug and kiss their guides. For many kids in Comuna Trece, however, the escort program comes too late. Due to the violence, many families with school children have pulled up stakes and moved away. For The World, I’m John Otis, Medellín, Colombia.

Copyright ©2009 PRI’s THE WORLD. All rights reserved. No quotes from the materials contained herein may be used in any media without attribution to PRI’s THE WORLD. This transcript may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, without prior written permission. For further information, please email The World’s Permissions Coordinator at theworld@pri.org.

Spanish, pure and otherwise

Patrick Cox — Mon, 26 Jul 2010 13:10:49 +0000

In Colombia, you can hear Latin America’s clearest, crispest Spanish. As a result, Bogota is home to everything from call centers to telenovela production houses. The original Yo soy Betty, la Fea was shot and produced in Colombia. It was broadcast in most Latin American countries, before new versions were produced all over the world: in the U.S. Ugly Betty; in Vietnam Cô gái xấu xí; in Turkey Sensiz Olmuyor.

Also in this pod, a conversation with philosopher Oscar Guardiola-Rivera about what the spread of Spanish in the United States is doing to the language, and to America. There are now particular identifiable dialects of Spanish specific to certain U.S. regions, and sometimes specific to certain groups: Cuban-American, Puerto Rican, Mexican-American, etc. The language is leaving its mark on the country too. It could be argued, for example, that in Miami, if you don’t speak at least some Spanish you’re at a disadvantage. Guardiola-Rivera is the author of What if Latin America Ruled The World?

Finally, Dora the Explorer and Kai-Lan: two fictional TV stars who introduce American kids to their first words of Spanish and Chinese. In Dora’s case, she also introduces Spanish speakers to their first English words, which may be why this doctored online image of Dora garnered so much attention earlier this year. The intention of the illustrator wasn’t clear. Was she sympathizing with opponents of the spread of Hispanic culture and language via illegal immigration, or was she mocking them? Both sides embraced the image, and poor Dora got it in the neck. For the record, Dora does plenty of travelling in her cartoon world; she appears to cross many borders, quite unhindered. As for her nationality, she appears to be American — at least that’s how she sounds — of undefined Hispanic heritage. (This is totally beside the point, but it doesn’t stop many of us from speculating…). One other thing about Dora: We English-speakers know her as a character who introduces kids to Spanish words. Well, the Spanish language version of the show Dora la Exploradora introduces kids to English words.

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Vote for gay marriage in Mexico City

The World — Tue, 22 Dec 2009 21:22:36 +0000

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Mexico City lawmakers voted to make their city the first in Latin America to legalize same-sex marriages. But the move has many opponents around Mexico. Anchor Marco Werman speaks with Jose Carreno, a contributor to the Mexican newspaper Excelsior.

Related articles by Zemanta

Mexico City approves gay marriage (news.bbc.co.uk)

Mexico City OKs same-sex marriage (cnn.com)

You: Mexico City legalises same-sex marriage (guardian.co.uk)

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This text below is a phonetic transcript of a radio story broadcast by PRI’s THE WORLD. It has been created on deadline by a contractor for PRI. The transcript is included here to facilitate internet searches for audio content. Please report any transcribing errors to theworld@pri.org. This transcript may not be in its final form, and it may be updated. Please be aware that the authoritative record of material distributed by PRI’s THE WORLD is the program audio.

MARCO WERMAN: Another kind of change is sparking a lot of debate in Latin America. The issue of same-sex marriage is up for discussion in several countries in the region. Yesterday lawmakers in Mexico City voted to legalize gay marriage in the Mexican capital, and the city’s mayor is expected to sign the bill into law. That would make Mexico City the first city in Latin America to officially recognize same-sex marriages. Not all Mexicans are behind the move, though. The Catholic Church and conservative groups stand in staunch opposition. Jose Carreno contributes to the newspaper Excelsior. He joins us from Mexico City. Is this a real departure for Mexico City, Jose? I mean there’s been a law since 2006 that allows civil unions.

JOSE CARRENO: Very much. Mexico City is the exception to the rule in the country. There has been a conservative tide if you want to use the word in terms of social issues. A number of proposals to legalize abortion in the country has been defeated in a number of states. So this has been like the greatest exception.

WERMAN: Are we seeing like an example of Mexico City leading the nation? I mean, could this law pass in other cities or smaller towns in Mexico? Could it go national?

CARRENO: Obviously Mexico City is like the heart and conscience of the country in many ways. Now having said that, it is also maybe the only region of the country where the Center Left party has a majority big enough as to impose itself without any need to deal with the opposition. The vote was about 39-20. Usually that is exactly the kind of majority that the Left has in the local Congress. So I do not believe that at this point at least, that kind of result might be possible in any other city of the country.

WERMAN: Now I noted earlier that conservative groups and the Catholic Church are against this gay union law. What about Mexicans in Mexico City? Where do they stand on this?

CARRENO: There is some kind of acceptance if you want to use the word in terms of okay, they are here, they exist, they live, and they in many cases may be relatives to us. Marriage and the adoption of children is very much a symbolic issue for the Catholic Church, but not for most Mexicans. I mean the number of Mexicans that believe in couples without being married, it is huge all across the Socialist platform. Now having said that, for the Right it is a very important, very symbolic issue, and that might be used against the Center Left in national elections.

WERMAN: Now speaking of national elections, our listeners may remember that the past two Presidential elections in Mexico have been won by a candidate from the Conservative Pan Party. Given that the Mayor of Mexico City, Marcello Ebrard is behind this measure, and he’s considered a possible Presidential candidate, what are the probable political implications of this stance?

CARRENO: Marcello Ebrard in this case and the Left are trying to build up support one constituency at a time. So I think Ebrard is trying to create a big alliance. Now if this would be enough to take the candidacy of the left, that’s a different story.

WERMAN: Let’s talk about this gay marriage bill at the social level a second. I don’t know if you know the journalist David Lida, but he’s got this fascinating book “First Stop in the New World: Mexico City, Capital of the 21^st Century.” And he sheds a little light on some of this, perhaps. He says in the evening after a long afternoon of drinking, it’s quite ordinary in a cantina to see men with their arms around in each other boozily professing their love for one another. He also quotes somebody who says that it’s common in Mexico City for a married woman to believe that her husband might have an adventure with another man. I’m just wondering if this bill is simply responding to an already very out society in Mexico City.

CARRENO: If you come to Mexico City, there are areas of the city where the existence of gay people is very, very open. You go to what is the Zona Rosa, Pink Zone in Mexico City, and you have as many flags of gay pride as you could find in the [PH] Poncercon in Washington, or the Soho of New York City. They are a fact of life.

WERMAN: Is this bill a nail in the coffin of Mexican machismo?

CARRENO: It is still there and it’s still going to be there for a while, but you could reasonably say that this is one of the nails in that coffin.

WERMAN: Jose Carreno is a contributor to the newspaper Excelsior. Good to get your thoughts on this. Thanks a lot.

CARRENO: Thank you very much.

Copyright ©2009 PRI’s THE WORLD. All rights reserved. No quotes from the materials contained herein may be used in any media without attribution to PRI’s THE WORLD. This transcript may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, without prior written permission. For further information, please email The World’s Permissions Coordinator at theworld@pri.org.

Hondurans hope election will help economy

The World — Fri, 27 Nov 2009 20:26:50 +0000

The political unrest in Honduras has scared away tourists and foreign investors and it’s driven up unemployment. Hondurans are set to choose a new president on Sunday. Many of them hope the election will defuse the crisis and get the country’s economy back on track. Correspondent John Otis reports from Tegucigalpa. Download MP3

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This text below is a phonetic transcript of a radio story broadcast by PRI’s THE WORLD. It has been created on deadline by a contractor for PRI. The transcript is included here to facilitate internet searches for audio content. Please report any transcribing errors to theworld@pri.org. This transcript may not be in its final form, and it may be updated. Please be aware that the authoritative record of material distributed by PRI’s THE WORLD is the program audio.

MARCO WERMAN: The economy of Honduras is also at the breaking point. The Central American nation was already hurting from the Global Economic Slowdown. Then in June the Honduran Army ousted the President, Manuel Zelaya. The political unrest has scared away tourists and foreign investors, and it’s driven up unemployment. Hondurans are set to choose a new president on Sunday. Many of them hope the election will diffuse the crisis and get the country’s economy back on track. Reporter John Otis sets the scene.

JOHN OTIS: American businessman Chris Haughey is trying to set up a toy factory on the outskirts of the capital, Tegucigalpa.

CHRIS HAUGHEY: So what you see in the factory here is roughly 50% of the machines were purchased here in country and the rest were, you know, have been brought in from the U.S.

OTIS: But shortly after Haughey broke ground, a military coup ousted President Zelaya. Street protests led to curfews, and that caused construction delays at Haughey’s plant, pushing back the start-up date for toy production.

HAUGHEY: The impact for us has mostly been with delays. You know, providers not showing up because there’s a curfew for all or part of the day and so they’re not going to come out to the factory.

OTIS: Haughey is determined to stick it out, but most new business ventures in Honduras have been put on hold. Now the Honduran economy is expected to contract by 4% this year. But the economic problems began even before Zelaya was forced out of office. Most Honduran exports go to the United States, but the U.S. financial crisis depressed demand for the country’s coffee, bananas and apparel. Remittances from Hondurans living in the U.S. also plummeted. Last January, President Zelaya boosted the monthly minimum wage to about $300. He also decreed that domestic workers are entitled to Social Security Pensions. Those moves prompted a wave of layoffs and turned the Honduran business community against Zelaya. Then came the military coup. Reductions in foreign aid to the de facto government of Roberto Micheletti soon followed. Now, many Hondurans are buying only buying essential items. Alaba Castaneda runs a printing press that turns out books, envelopes, and calendars. But since the political crisis began, Castaneda has laid off 5 of her 18 workers. Sales have dropped by 40%.

ALBA CASTANEDA: [Interpreted] There were curfews. We couldn’t leave home. It seemed like war could breakout. So people only bought the bare essentials, like food, because people have to eat.

OTIS: Hotel owners claim the coup has been even worse for business than Hurricane Mitch, which laid waste to much of Honduras in 1998. Ana Maria Maradiaga runs the Hotel Escuela Madrid, a training school for future hotel and restaurant employees. She says aid workers flooded into Honduras after Hurricane Mitch and stayed in hotels for months. But the coup led to an exodus of tourists and a wave of cancellations.

ANA MARIA MARADIAGA: Tegucigalpa was completely empty. Big hotels, small hotels, restaurants. I mean, everywhere, the tourism in Tegucigalpa was dead.

OTIS: Honduras is the third poorest country in Latin America with nearly 70% of the population living below the poverty line. But the ongoing political crisis has put much needed aid projects on hold, says the American toymaker Chris Haughey.

HAUGHEY: There are constantly groups coming down from the U.S., from Canada, from other developed nations to assist with social project; water projects, health, you know, poverty alleviation. And those groups have basically put their plans on hold as well.”

OTIS: President Zelaya remains holed up in the heavily guarded Brazilian Embassy in Tegucigalpa and it’s unclear whether he will be reinstated before his term ends in January. Unlike the left-wing Zelaya, the two leading candidates in Sunday’s presidential election are mainstream politicians with close ties to business and to the United States. U.S. Ambassador Hugo Llorens has pushed for Zelaya’s return. But he also maintains that the swearing in of a democratically elected president to replace the de facto government could go a long way towards stabilizing the economy.

HUGO LLORENS: Our hope is that democracy can be restored, the country’s situation can be normalized, its relations with the international community so that Honduras can again become a place for growth and investment.

OTIS: For The World, I’m John Otis, Tegucigalpa, Honduras.

Copyright ©2009 PRI’s THE WORLD. All rights reserved. No quotes from the materials contained herein may be used in any media without attribution to PRI’s THE WORLD. This transcript may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, without prior written permission. For further information, please email The World’s Permissions Coordinator at theworld@pri.org.

Honduras vote

The World — Tue, 24 Nov 2009 21:30:34 +0000

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Honduran President Manuel Zelaya (pictured) was ousted in a coup five months ago and it now seems unlikely that he’ll be returned to power before his term ends in January. On Sunday, Hondurans will go to the polls to elect Zelaya’s successor. Many Latin American countries are refusing to recognize the elections which are being organized by the de facto government of Roberto Micheletti. Yet some Hondurans consider choosing a new president the first step toward ending the country’s political crisis. From Tegucigalpa, John Otis reports.

FAQ Honduras crisis

William Troop on Zelaya’s return to Honduras in September

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This text below is a phonetic transcript of a radio story broadcast by PRI’s THE WORLD. It has been created on deadline by a contractor for PRI. The transcript is included here to facilitate internet searches for audio content. Please report any transcribing errors to theworld@pri.org. This transcript may not be in its final form, and it may be updated. Please be aware that the authoritative record of material distributed by PRI’s THE WORLD is the program audio.

MARCO WERMAN: I’m Marco Werman and this is The World, a co-production of the BBC World Service, PRI, and WGBH Boston. Honduras’ strange political saga comes to a head this weekend. That’s Hondurans elect a new president. Their last elected leader, Manuel Zelaya, was ousted five months ago but he remains in limbo at the Brazilian embassy there. Many Latin American countries are refusing to recognize the elections organized by the defacto government of Roberto Micheletti. Yet some Hondurans say this weekend’s election could be the first step towards ending the country’s political crisis. John Otis reports from the capital Tegucigalpa.

PORFIRIO LOBO: [SPEAKING SPANISH]

JOHN OTIS: During a televised debate presidential front runner, Porfirio Lobo, pledges to attack corruption and reduce poverty in Honduras. Lobo’s main challenger, Elvin Santos, offers a similar message in his campaign speeches.

ELVIN SANTOS: [SPEAKING SPANISH]

OTIS: But the issue neither candidate mentions is what to do about deposed president Manuel Zelaya, a leftist with close ties to Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez. Zelaya was removed from office by the Honduran military on June 28^th amid fears he would try to change the constitution to remain in power. He was flown into exile. But he later snuck back in to Honduras and now remains holed up in the heavily guarded Brazilian embassy. Last month US diplomats announced they had brokered a deal to reinstate Zelaya for the remainder of his term. But the agreement hinged on the approval of the Honduran congress and most legislatures opposed Zelaya. They were also busy campaigning for re-election and have postponed their decision on Zelaya’s fate until next month. Miguel Gutierres is Honduran newspaper publisher claims congress is simply trying to run out the clock.

MIGUEL GUTIERRES: This has been a delay and a delay and a delay. I don’t personally believe that they will reinstate Zelaya back. Meanwhile Roberto Micheletti, Honduras’ provisional president is pushing ahead with the elections.

ROBERTO MICHELETTI: [SPEAKING SPANISH]

OTIS: To appease the international community Micheletti last week announced he would assume a low profile and make no more public appearances until after the voting. Still the elections are going forward under a cloud of suspicion. The organization of American states has refused to send electoral observes to Honduras. Brazil, Argentina, and other Latin American nations say they will not recognize the results. One presidential hopeful and dozens of pro-Zelaya legislative candidates have withdrawn saying their participation would only legitimize the coup.

[PROTESTORS CHANTING]

Anti-government marches have been banned in the capital Tegucigalpa but everyday Zelaya supporters meet in front of congress. They’re calling on Hondurans to stay home on election day and protest. Juan Barahona is one of the main opposition leaders.

JUAN BARAHONA: [SPEAING SPANISH]

TRANSLATOR: This is a coup regime. One that’s illegal and illegitimate therefore the electoral is illegal and illegitimate.

OTIS: Micheletti as well as the two leading presidential candidates are betting that relatively clean elections will make people forget about Zelaya. Daniel O’Connor is an American business man and a member of the Democratic Civic Union, a group that strongly backs Micheletti.

DANIEL O’CONNOR: I think there’s a strong expectation that the elections will be free, fair, and transparent. That the results will be ultimately recognized.

OTIS: The US government has cut off military and other non-emergency aid to Honduras yet critics say Washington could have taken a tougher stance. Instead American diplomats have hinted they will recognize the elections whether or not Zelaya is reinstated and that may have stiffened the resolve of the Micheletti government. US Ambassador Hugo Llorens says there’s still time for Zelaya to return to the presidency. He insists voters have the right to go to the polls next week and the condemning the elections would be akin to blaming the entire Honduran population for the coup.

HUGO LLORENS: We’ve worked very hard. We’ll continue very hard to restore the democratic order. But certainly free, fair, and transparent elections will be a part of the solution in Honduras.

OTIS: The next president will be sworn in on January 27^th. On that day all eyes will be on the figure handing over the presidential sash to the new Honduran leader. Lisa Haugaard of the Washington-based Latin America Working Group says that if Micheletti rather than Zelaya presides over the ceremony it will send a dangerous message to the rest of the region.

LISA HAUGAARD: We have thought that coups were things of the past and it’s very disturbing that there can be a coup that is more or less successful.

OTIS: For The World I’m John Otis in Tegucigalpa, Honduras.

[MUSIC]

Copyright ©2009 PRI’s THE WORLD. All rights reserved. No quotes from the materials contained herein may be used in any media without attribution to PRI’s THE WORLD. This transcript may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, without prior written permission. For further information, please email The World’s Permissions Coordinator at theworld@pri.org.

Fourteen walls

The World — Wed, 04 Nov 2009 14:50:29 +0000

Two decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the world is still plagued by barriers dividing countries, towns, and families. From Brazil to Mexico, the desire to contain illegal immigration or violent conflict is often used to justify them. The BBC’s Spanish website BBC Mundo presents 14 such walls, we talk with the project’s editor, Juan Carlos. (Audio available after 5PM Eastern)

BBC Mundo (en español)

Honduras rivals end deadlock

The World — Fri, 30 Oct 2009 19:40:10 +0000

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Ousted Honduran president, Manuel Zelaya and his political opponents have signed off on an agreement that will allow him to return to office and create a power-sharing government. Zelaya has been holed up in the Brazilian embassy in Honduras for weeks during the impasse. Anchor Katy Clark finds out more from someone who’s also been in the embassy all this time, Andres Conteris, of the US-based group “Democracy Now en Espanol.”

BBC coverage

FAQ Honduras crisis

The World’s William Troop on Zelaya’s return to Honduras in September

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This text below is a phonetic transcript of a radio story broadcast by PRI’s THE WORLD. It has been created on deadline by a contractor for PRI. The transcript is included here to facilitate internet searches for audio content. Please report any transcribing errors to theworld@pri.org. This transcript may not be in its final form, and it may be updated. Please be aware that the authoritative record of material distributed by PRI’s THE WORLD is the program audio.

KATY CLARK: There was one other item on Secretary of State Clinton’s agenda today – Honduras. While still in Pakistan, Clinton announced a breakthrough for the Central American nation. Ousted President Manuel Zalaya and the interim leader Roberto Micheletti have agreed to a US broker deal. The agreement calls on the Honduran congress to decide if Zalaya should be reinstated as president. The agreement also binds both sides to recognize the result of this month’s presidential election. Neither Zalaya nor Micheletti are candidates. Zalaya was ousted from Honduras in coup four months ago. He slipped back into the country in September. That’s when he took refuge with supporters at the Brazilian embassy in Tegucigalpa. Andreas Conteris is one of the people inside the embassy. He’s with the US based Democracy Now en Espanol. Andreas we spoke to you a few weeks ago and you were clearly in support of Mr. Zalaya’s reinstatement. What is the mood inside the embassy today as we speak?

ANDREAS CONTERIS: Well the mood here is one of I would say cautious celebration. Because it clearly is a step forward in terms of what many, many Hondurans want – their president to be reinstated. But it’s also the overwhelming majority of the international community that has been demanding that President Zalaya be restored as the democratically elected leader of this country. So the accord is definitely a step in that direction. However there may be a number of loopholes in it which will permit the coup regime to continue to stall for quite a bit of time which is now a very precious commodity before the elections coming up November 29^th.

CLARK: The election is coming up very soon as you say. What do you expect will happen?

CONTERIS: It really depends on when President Zalaya is allowed to be restored as the president of the country. As I said, the delaying tactics could continue even though there is a signed accord which could last for at least two or three more weeks. But if that doesn’t happen. If he’s allowed to be president again soon, then he will have a lot more influence in terms of encouraging the electorate to look at his point of view in terms of which candidate he might support.

CLARK: And I’m just wondering you’ve been in the Brazilian embassy in Honduras for some 38 days now. How are conditions?

CONTERIS: Well conditions initially were very difficult because there was no way to prepare for hundreds of people moving into a building that is not set up for housing whatsoever. Over time some of us have been able to get air mattresses. But actually most of the people here have been sleeping on the floor – hard floors. And food for a while was hard to come by but then lately it’s been more regular. Both electricity and water has been cut off on occasion. But also really what has been done by the military and police have been what could be described as psychological warfare tactics. Using all-night loud music and animal grunts. The first morning we were victims of what is known as long-range audio devices. A very high pitched shrieking sound which is used as a weapon. So it’s been really difficult in that sense. But more recently we’ve acclimated to the situation and now we’re definitely ready to move on from here.

CLARK: Well Andreas is there much celebrating going on at the moment?

CONTERIS: Actually there has been some celebrating here last night. At the embassy there was celebrations. There was some fireworks that went on in the city of Tegucigalpa itself. So yes there is definitely jubilation and joy at this step in the process. But it’s important to point out that it’s also met with quite a bit of caution because it’s really uncertain how quickly the process will move forward for the president to be reinstated.

CLARK: Andreas Conteris is with Democracy Now en Espanol. He spoke to us from the Brazilian embassy in Honduras where ousted President Manuel Zalaya is holed up today. Thank you.

CONTERIS: Katy, it’s been a pleasure.

Copyright ©2009 PRI’s THE WORLD. All rights reserved. No quotes from the materials contained herein may be used in any media without attribution to PRI’s THE WORLD. This transcript may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, without prior written permission. For further information, please email The World’s Permissions Coordinator at theworld@pri.org.

Deserting from the FARC

The World — Wed, 14 Oct 2009 19:48:08 +0000

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The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, the country’s largest guerrilla group known as the FARC, is losing thousands of its fighters. They’re not dying…they’re giving up. Correspondent John Otis reports.

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This text below is a phonetic transcript of a radio story broadcast by PRI’s THE WORLD. It has been created on deadline by a contractor for PRI. The transcript is included here to facilitate internet searches for audio content. Please report any transcribing errors to theworld@pri.org. This transcript may not be in its final form, and it may be updated. Please be aware that the authoritative record of material distributed by PRI’s THE WORLD is the program audio.

MARCO WERMAN: South of Cuba in Columbia the military continues to pound away at leftist guerillas. But what’s even more demoralizing for the revolutionary armed forces of Columbia, the rebel group known as the FARC, is that thousands of its fighters are simply giving up. Many FARC rebels, sensing they’re losing the war against the government are turning themselves in and they’re turning over valuable information to the Columbian army. Reporter John Otis has the story.

[MUSIC]

JOHN OTIS: On Columbian armed forces radio a former guerilla sings the praises of giving up and leaving the war behind.

[MUSIC]

OTIS: My life has changed, he sings. Now I’ve got a girlfriend. I’m with my family. I give thanks to God. The song is part of an army propaganda blitz that includes radio spots, posters, and leaflets dropped over rebel infested areas. And it’s working. Since President Alvaro Uribe took office seven years ago more than 12,000 FARC fighters have demobilized. Most are green recruits who became disenchanted with life in the jungle. But about 1000 of the deserters were midlevel commanders. Perhaps the most high profile deserter is Elda Mosqeura. A one-eyed female commander better known as Karina she led a series of devastating FARC attacks. But last year Karina turned herself in and now promotes the government’s demobilization program on the radio.

KARINA: [SPEAKING SPANISH]

OTIS: For the Columbian army the desertions have produced a kind of virtuous circle. That’s because guerrilla turncoats often provide intelligence for army operations. And as the military strikes more blows against the FARC, more guerrillas lose their will to fight and turn themselves in. Colonel Cesar Guauta is operations chief for the army’s first mobile brigade in former rebel stronghold of La Macarena.

CESAR GUAUTA: [SPEAKING SPANISH]

OTIS: He says the desertions are breaking the FARC. They demoralize the remaining fighters and provide the location of rebel camps and arms cashes.

GUAUTA: [SPEAKING SPANISH]

OTIS: Guauta leads me into a tent to show off the latest rebel deserter, a 21-year-old FARC explosives expert who goes by the nom de guerre Visages. Some here are hostile towards Visages because he detonated a car bomb last year that killed two soldiers. Like many impoverished teenagers, Visages says he was drawn into the FARC by its rhetoric of Marxist revolution and social justice. He decided to quit after a FARC commander forced his pregnant rebel girlfriend to get an abortion. Visages says as the army offensive intensifies more and 6more rebels want to desert.

VISAGES: [SPEAKING SPANISH]

OTIS: Visages operated in rural towns so it was easy for him to find an army patrol and turn himself in. For rebels in the jungle deserting is far more difficult and those who are caught by the FARC are executed.

GUAUTA: [SPEAKING IN SPANISH]

OTIS: Cooks at the army base in La Macarena provide Visages with three meals a day. He also gets new clothes, cigarettes, and magazines. But the army wants something in return. After dinner an intelligence officer presses Visages for the names of FARC militia men.

OFFICER: [SPEAKING IN SPANISH]

OTIS: Visages cooperates. By the time the interview ends the army officer comes away with a list of more than 20 plainclothes FARC collaborators.

OFFICER: [SPEAKING SPANISH]

OTIS: Visages will soon be off to Bogota where a government program gives deserters temporary housing, education, and job training. But the FARC continues to recruit and press gang teenagers into its ranks. So the army is trying to win them over before the guerrillas can.

[MUSIC]

OTIS: One program sends army musicians into villages to perform and teach youngsters guitar. And back at armed forces radio the DJs have a fulltime hob saturating the airways with stories, songs, and speeches to persuade the guerrillas to give up the fight. For The World I’m John Otis, La Macarena, Columbia.

[MUSIC]

Copyright ©2009 PRI’s THE WORLD. All rights reserved. No quotes from the materials contained herein may be used in any media without attribution to PRI’s THE WORLD. This transcript may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, without prior written permission. For further information, please email The World’s Permissions Coordinator at theworld@pri.org.

Honduras standoff

The World — Mon, 13 Jul 2009 20:16:57 +0000

Honduras’ interim president said talks may begin Saturday to address the political crisis enveloping the country since the military deposed the country’s sitting president two weeks ago. Anchor Jeb Sharp gets the latest from Jennifer McCoy, director of the Americas Program at the Carter Center in Atlanta. Listen

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This text below is a phonetic transcript of a radio story broadcast by PRI’s THE WORLD. It has been created on deadline by a contractor for PRI. The transcript is included here to facilitate internet searches for audio content. Please report any transcribing errors to theworld@pri.org. This transcript may not be in its final form, and it may be updated. Please be aware that the authoritative record of material distributed by PRI’s THE WORLD is the program audio.

JEB SHARP: No more curfew this week in Honduras. The country’s interim government lifted the restriction last night for the first time in two weeks. But the standoff continues over the status of Honduran President Manuel Zelaya. Zelaya was removed from office and thrown out of the country by the army. Critics say he was planning an illegal referendum to amend the constitution to allow himself to run for a second term as president. Zelaya, who was democratically elected, had six months left in his first term. Jennifer McCoy directs the Americas Program at the Carter Center in Atlanta, Georgia. Professor McCoy, give us a little perspective. Why is the issue of being President for more than one term such a loaded one there in Honduras, and indeed, in Latin America?

JENNIFER MCCOY: Well, after Honduras went through a period of dictatorship, and returned to democracy in 1980, they wrote a new constitution to prohibit re-election in order to avoid the recurrence of presidents saying in power through illegal means, and turning into a new dictator. They were really trying to avoid the repeat of the historical legacy of much of Latin America having long-term strong men in office, who sometimes stayed in office through manipulated elections in the 19th and 20th centuries.

JEB SHARP: So even though this situation in Honduras is being seen as a kind of illegal coup, is your reading of the current situation that the motivation for removing Zelaya was a real fear that democracy would be endangered if he stayed in office?

JENNIFER MCCOY: Well, there was an added element in terms of the fear, in this particular case, and that was that president Zelaya had been growing increasingly closer to Venezuela. And so there were some important sectors in Honduras who feared that alliance with Venezuela, that he would intend to bring Honduras to a more leftist and anti-US policy. So that was an added component to, I think, this gear about his intentions. And the assumption was, that he would be asking for re-election. But, we’re seeing a growing trend across the board in Latin America, to change those single terms, and begin to allow for re-election. And this is the majority of the countries today, that now have this prevision.

JEB SHARP: And can you take us further back, and give us a sense of the history of term limits? I mean, when did they start being established in the first place, and where and why?

JENNIFER MCCOY: Yes. Most of the countries, as they were implementing democracy throughout the 20th century, did put in single term limits, again, to counter that historical past, especially from the 19th century at the strong men dictators. But, by the 1990′s, there was a desire, in certain cases, particularly Brazil and Argentina, I think, of those new democratic president to have a longer chance to implement the reforms, especially the economic reforms, that they were trying to carry out. And they actually started the trend toward changing the constitution to allow for re-election for at least one additional term.

JEB SHARP: Jennifer McCoy is a professor of political science at George Estate University, thanks so much.

JENNIFER MCCOY: Thank you.

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US stance on political crisis in Honduras

The World — Fri, 03 Jul 2009 19:26:24 +0000

The Obama Administration has condemned this week’s coup in Honduras. That puts the US in the unusual position of siding with traditional foes Venezuela and Cuba. The World’s Katy Clark reports.
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This text below is a phonetic transcript of a radio story broadcast by PRI’s THE WORLD. It has been created on deadline by a contractor for PRI. The transcript is included here to facilitate internet searches for audio content. Please report any transcribing errors to theworld@pri.org. This transcript may not be in its final form, and it may be updated. Please be aware that the authoritative record of material distributed by PRI’s THE WORLD is the program audio.

MARCO WERMAN: I’m Marco Werman, this is The World. It’s a waiting game in Honduras, people in the capital Tegucigalpa appear to be waiting for the next step in the leadership crisis that’s rocked the Central American nation. Last Sunday their President, Manuel Zelaya was deposed in a military coup and kicked out of the country. The US has joined much of the world in condemning his ouster, that’s left Washington in an unusual position, sitting with Venezuela’s leftist president, Hugo Chavez, on the issue. The World’s Katy Clark has the story.

KATY CLARK: It’s not often the president’s of the United States and Venezuela agree, here’s Barack Obama.

BARACK OBAMA: President Zelaya was democratically elected, he had not yet completed his term. We believe that the coup was not legal, and that President Zelaya remains the president of Honduras.

KATY CLARK: Using slightly more colorful language, Hugo Chavez also denounced events this week in Honduras.

HUGE CHAVEZ: [SPEAKS IN SPANISH]

KATY CLARK: The Venezuelan leader called it a Trogdlodyte Coup D’etat, and urged Honduran soldiers to use restraint against unarmed citizens. Never mind that Chavez himself threatened military action of his ambassador in Honduras was harmed. The Interim Government of Honduras has indicated it would consider early elections there if that would satisfy the international community. But the end of the political stand off remains far from certain. Michael Shifter is with the Inter American Dialogue, a Washington think-tank. He cautions that the apparent agreement that President Zelaya ought to be restored to power may be more superficial than appears.

MICHAEL SHIFTER: The are some differences for the motivation for why the United States came to the position that it did, and why countries like Venezuela and Bolivia, Ecuador have also condemned what happened. For those countries, they are governments identify of the left. Zelaya became an ally of them, so there is a kind of a political support there, which is different, I think, from the US’s point of view, which is trying to stake out a position in support of the rule of law democratic principles, which were clearly violated in this case.

KATY CLARK: Previous US presidents haven’t always taken this position. Most recently, when Hugo Chavez was temporarily ousted in a coup in 2002, the Bush Administration kept quiet.

LARRY BIRNS: The United States is clearly aiming for a new trajectory in its regional policy.

KATY CLARK: Larry Birns is director of the council on Hemispheric Affairs.

LARRY BIRNS: This provides a high visibility opportunity, for the United States to take a leadership position in establishing firmly that no extra constitutional overturn of a government by the country’s military will be tolerated by the Inter American community. That’s a good thing, to take place.

KATY CLARK: The message being the US might not like the person in power, but the democratic process must prevail. Jennifer McCoy of the Carter Center calls the political stand off in Honduras the result of democracy’s growing pains in parts of Latin America.

JENNIFER MCCOY: That could be the silver lining or part of the explanation for the crisis.

KATY CLARK: The crisis may come to a head soon. Honduras’s ousted president has vowed to return this weekend. For The World, this is Katy Clark.

Copyright ©2009 PRI’s THE WORLD. All rights reserved. No quotes from the materials contained herein may be used in any media without attribution to PRI’s THE WORLD. This transcript may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, without prior written permission. For further information, please email The World’s Permissions Coordinator at theworld@pri.org.